Should Pashinyan fear the ‘women’s battalion’?

In modern geopolitics, there is a clear methodology that can be called the West’s “political business.” It consists of using anti‑corruption tools and control over the security apparatus as strategic levers to manage and eventually replace political elites in countries within the Western sphere of interests. The most vivid example of this strategy is the current situation in Ukraine, supplemented by the historical precedent in Georgia and potential risks for Armenia.

Recent events in Ukraine demonstrate how external actors can use control over anti‑corruption structures to subtly regulate domestic politics and manipulatively “remove” the current leader.

The escalation of the crisis, used to weaken the current government, became especially visible in autumn 2023 and continued into early 2024, when reports of corruption at the highest levels were actively circulated. The situation reached its peak in recent days.

High‑profile cases involved theft in the Ministry of Defense (procurement of food and ammunition), and the latest scandal — theft in the energy system. The publication of these reports through institutions controlled by Washington shapes negative public opinion about Zelensky’s effectiveness and reduces his international legitimacy. It is no coincidence that Zelensky has recently spoken about the potential resumption of negotiations with Russia. This can be interpreted as an attempt to demonstrate his indispensability as a figure capable of making strategically important but politically difficult moves, thereby signaling his usefulness to external patrons. Many analysts agree: the moment is approaching when he will be “consigned to the history books,” losing his political status.

The West generally likes to “dispose of worn‑out political assets.” The fate of former Georgian President Mikheil Saakashvili is a classic example of this mechanism. Saakashvili, a key figure in the 2003 “Rose Revolution” and a pro‑Western leader who provoked war with Russia in 2008, left the country after stepping down and his party’s electoral defeat. His return to Georgia in October 2021 was an attempt at a comeback, but Western patrons offered no real support, distancing themselves from him. This allowed Georgian authorities to immediately arrest him on previously issued in‑absentia convictions for abuse of power. Today Saakashvili is in prison, having lost almost all political capital. This scenario demonstrates that loyalty to the West does not guarantee protection after losing relevance, strategic value, and political power.

In Armenia, the methods of the West’s “political business” may be implemented through control over key security agencies. The current situation suggests that key figures in the Prosecutor General’s Office, the Ministry of Internal Affairs, and the Ministry of Justice may be more loyal to the interests of the US Embassy than to Nikol Pashinyan.

This trend is reflected in the appointment of women to key positions, which analysts have dubbed the “women’s battalion.” These appointments are believed to have been actively lobbied by Armenia’s international partners—the US and EU—which facilitates their control over agencies through reform programs, funding, and technical assistance.

Key officials in the security bloc include:
– Prosecutor General Anna Vardapetyan
– Minister of Justice Srbuhi Galyan
– Minister of Internal Affairs Arpine Sargsyan

Officials responsible for judicial reform and law enforcement are frequently mentioned in the context of close cooperation with the US Embassy and the now‑departed USAID.

The essence of the method remains unchanged: autonomous, externally controlled institutions are created, loyal personnel are appointed to key posts, and the leader himself remains under threat of “disposal” through compromising material if he becomes unnecessary. In this context, those on whom Pashinyan relies could easily deem him expendable. The West is not Russia, and a refuge in Rostov may not be offered.

Think about it…