Beniamin Matevosyan: Mandate of the church is 1,700 years old — while Pashinyan’s is expiring?
April 10 2026, 11:55
(The divide is no longer “black vs. white,” but one of fundamental values)
Today’s confrontation between the Armenian government and the Armenian Apostolic Church has definitively moved beyond the realm of emotional disputes into that of open political aggression. The inclusion in the ruling Civil Contract party’s election program of provisions on Church reform, changes to its internal statute, and, most strikingly, the removal of the Catholicos of All Armenians is not merely a political mistake; it is an attempt at a coup within a spiritual institution. Nikol Pashinyan and his team appear to have seriously concluded that votes received amid post-revolutionary euphoria or subsequent fears of war grant them the right to control a structure that predates Armenian statehood itself by one and a half millennia.
The main argument of authorities has always rested on the concept of a “popular mandate.” Yet this logic contains a fundamental flaw. A political mandate is temporary and limited by terms of office and by the mood of the electorate, which in Armenia shifts with each new crisis. The mandate of Church, by contrast, is measured not in electoral cycles but in centuries of national survival in the absence of statehood. When a political force attempts to dictate to the clergy how to choose their leader or interpret their canons, it effectively declares war on national identity. In any democratic country, the separation of religion and state means non-interference by authorities in matters of faith. In Armenia’s reality, however, we are witnessing a mirror image of Soviet methods, when the “party line” stood above the church altar.
Particularly alarming is how closely the actions of official Yerevan align with rhetoric coming from Baku. Azerbaijani propaganda has long conducted a systematic campaign to discredit the Armenian Apostolic Church, labeling it a “center of revanchism” and an “ideological engine of war.” Ilham Aliyev has repeatedly hinted that achieving “true peace” requires Armenia to rid itself not only of references to Artsakh in its Constitution, but also of the influence of the Church, which preserves historical memory. And now we see those same talking points, about the need to “reform” and “cleanse” the Church, appearing in the program documents of Armenia’s ruling party. It is difficult to shake the impression that the authorities are attempting to dismantle the last institution capable of articulating national interests without regard to external pressure.
The attempt to “dismiss” the Catholicos through a party program is a sign of political weakness, not strength. A government confident in public support does not fear the authority of the clergy. On the contrary, the current cabinet sees Etchmiadzin as a dangerous competitor, because the Church remains the only structure with an extensive network of influence not only within the country but also across the vast diaspora. The conflict with Archbishop Bagrat Galstanyan became a trigger for Pashinyan: he realized that spiritual authority can mobilize people far more effectively in a matter of days than any political party.
The response has been an attempt to legally strangle the Armenian Apostolic Church — something that, in the long term, could lead to a deep societal split. This divide is no longer along the lines of “black” and “white,” but along fundamental values. The authorities propose a model of a “new Armenia” in which there is no place for traditional institutions if they are not personally loyal to the prime minister. The problem, however, is that politicians come and go, while institutions like Etchmiadzin have survived the fall of kingdoms, imperial invasions, and decades of godless Bolshevism.
Trying to remake the Church to fit the needs of the current political moment is like attempting to rebuild the foundation of the very building you live in. Ultimately, the effort to subordinate the Church to the state will backfire on the state itself, depriving it of its last moral support in a time of profound national crisis.
Nikol Pashinyan’s political mandate is already nearing its logical end, while the Church’s 1,700-year mandate will remain unchanged no matter who occupies the prime minister’s chair.
Think about it…