Rehabilitation of Nazism on Pashinyan’s Public Television of Armenia

Déjà vu is the feeling that a current experience has already occurred in the past. In the context of events in Armenia, we are witnessing political déjà vu. Since 2018, the authorities, represented by Anna Hakobyan, reflecting on the Karabakh problem, stated that thousands of lives were lost in vain. Now, similar statements are being made about Armenia itself.

When Nikol Pashinyan, through Artsrun Hovhannisyan, declares on Armenian Public Television that the victory at Stalingrad was in vain because under the “wonderful Gertrude plan” the Wehrmacht could have restored a united historical Armenia, this is not only the rehabilitation of Nazism but also an assertion that “those Armenians who died for Stalingrad, for the Soviet Union, and for Soviet Armenia died in vain because the Wehrmacht could have given them more than they have now.” In doing so, Pashinyan, acting through Artsrun, essentially questions the legitimacy of Armenia’s existence as the legal successor to the Soviet Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic.

The situation is unusual and dangerous at the same time, so it needs to be comprehensively analyzed. The war in Ukraine turned out to be extremely beneficial for Pashinyan. It provided a chance to take advantage of Moscow’s preoccupation. As Russia’s leadership remains focused on Ukraine and its confrontation with the West, Pashinyan has moved to “reset” Artsakh, seek the withdrawal of Russian military forces from Armenia, and integrate into the Turkic world.

However, recent developments—flights, visits, meetings, and personnel changes in Russia—have greatly unsettled Pashinyan and his team.

When the Speaker of Armenia’s National Assembly accuses Russia of conducting a hybrid war against Armenia, when it is hinted to Russian colleagues that “the coronavirus may prevent Pashinyan from visiting Moscow to participate in the parade,” when Pashinyan himself refuses to wear the St. George ribbon while in Russia (despite even the Chinese leader wearing one), when he does not send the Armenian military to the parade—all these are reactions to the described realities.

Pashinyan feels threatened. Hence the justification of Nazism on Armenian Public Television, where a propagandist, whose hands are stained with the blood of thousands of Armenians who died in the 44-day war, claims that the Wehrmacht allegedly “dreamed of restoring Great Armenia.”

Artsrun Hovhannisyan knows that the Wehrmacht did not intend to restore historical Armenia. He understands that a defeat at Stalingrad would open the way for Turkey to invade not only Armenia but also Georgia. That is why the Turkish leadership kept a 150,000-strong army at the borders of Armenia. But it’s not just Artsrun’s voice that’s on the air—it is Pashinyan’s ideas, whose motives are obvious. He sees Russia as a threat to his power and therefore is waging a political attack against it. However, those advising him on “where to strike Russia’s pressure points” are his true enemies—whether he realizes it or not. That is an undeniable fact, though ultimately, it remains his personal concern.

Victory Day is perceived by President Putin not only as a key element of national unity but also as a personal, deep story. Those who guide Pashinyan in his anti-Russian policies, using his thirst for power, are actually manipulating him even more than his faction, which shows blind loyalty.
An additional factor is the threat of Kaja Kallas, made back in April to the leaders of the countries who intended to visit Moscow on May 9. Pashinyan seemingly believes that rehabilitating fascism might ease potential discontent of the Estonian leadership.

Think about it…